Dr. Sharaiz Chaudhry
This article is part of a series on Islamic Liberation Theology. You can read part one, “The Theoretical Origins of Islamic Liberation Theology” by clicking here.
The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point is to change it. – Karl Marx
In the first part of our introduction to Islamic Liberation Theology (ILT), we outlined its theoretical foundations, which recognised religious interpretation as the product of power relations in society. It seeks to challenge those understandings that uphold an oppressive status quo and provide an alternative that centres the marginalised. It is, however, not simply an intellectual or rhetorical exercise that belongs in universities or online articles. Instead, to be considered genuine, it must take praxis seriously by speaking to the real, material existence of the oppressed and challenge the social structures that subjugate them.
Defining Praxis
Praxis is an ancient Greek word that refers to free, self-realizing activity through which the world is transformed. In ancient Greece, it signified any activity of a free person, as opposed to a slave. In modern political terms, it is often associated with Marxist theory, as it figures heavily in Marx’s own work, as the above quote suggests. Paulo Freire, the prominent Brazilian educator and philosopher, in his seminal work Pedagogy of the Oppressed, published in 1968, developed a theory, inspired by Third World Marxism, that embodies this definition.
For Freire, just as liberation theologians, humanising the marginalised, who are rendered non-human by the social conditions imposed upon them, is a holistic process, not just a patronising and empty verbal statement. It comes, first and foremost, from the acknowledgment that the oppressed themselves understand the nature of their oppression and the necessity of their own liberation. Any actual movement for change “must be forged with, not for, the oppressed”. He explains:
“No pedagogy which is truly liberating can remain distant from the oppressed by treating them as unfortunates and by presenting for their emulation models from among the oppressors. The oppressed must be their own example in the struggle for their redemption.”
Praxis, as Freire understands, is therefore a collective process of action and reflection on the world aimed at transforming it.
This process not only leads to material change but also to increasing levels of consciousness. As Mao highlights in his seminal works On Practice and On Contradiction, knowing and doing are in unison within the “dialectical-materialist theory of knowledge”:
Practice, knowledge, again practice, and again knowledge. This form repeats itself in endless cycles, and with each cycle the content of practice and knowledge rises to a higher level.
Similarly, Fanon speaks about the cleansing effect that violence (a particular form of practice) has on the colonised, removing their inferiority complex and allowing them to believe in their own humanity. He asserts that political education “cannot mean making a political speech” but is:
“…to try, relentlessly and passionately, to teach the masses that everything depends on them; that if we stagnate it is their responsibility, and that if we go forward it is due to them too.”
Praxis is therefore a form of action in the real world to affect social structures, and simultaneously, an educative process through which those who act understand their social reality.
Praxis and Liberation Theology
Liberation theologians of various stripes have grappled with the central concept of praxis and questioned how it can be realized in practice. For Clodovis Boff, the Brazilian Catholic theologian, this was embodied in what he termed the hermeneutic circle, which, more concretely, described a process through which participation in the struggle is followed by socio-political analysis and, subsequently, interpretive analysis of religious texts. For Boff, it was the latter step that the theologian should conduct, while political action was a joint effort with the marginalised.
The South African Christian theologian Gerald West, however, critiques this approach for being too hierarchical and reproducing the patronising attitudes against which a liberative praxis cautions. For him, it is not only within political action that the marginalized have a role, but also the very act of religious knowledge production, which Boff restricts to the theologian. Through what he called Contextualised Bible Study sessions, he would give oppressed groups a space to discuss the Bible through the lens of their lived reality, giving them a direct say in how religious texts should be interpreted within our contemporary context.
Unfortunately, within the Islamic context, such praxis-centred approaches have been notably lacking, and the majority of those claiming to be liberation theologians do little more than promote alternative, more egalitarian interpretations of the Quran and hadith. Sa’diyya Shaikh, in her brilliant text A Tafsir of Praxis, criticises the tendency among Islamic feminist thinkers (such as Amina Wadud and Asma Barlas) for ignoring the “invisible community of the text”. Her alternative, embodied tafsir, engages with female victims of domestic violence and investigates how their experiences impact their understanding of gender ethics in Islam, and particularly verse 4:34, which is traditionally interpreted to permit hitting one’s wife. She finds that, while some have internalised patriarchal norms and interpretations, others have found these inconsistent with God’s justice.
It is the work of Farid Esack that provides the most substantial methodology for a praxis-based interpretation of the Islamic canon. Citing the gradual revelation of the Quran (tadrij), which took place over 23 years in Makkah and Madina, Esack identifies a dialectic relationship between “the will of God, realities on the ground and needs of the community being spoken to.”Revelation therefore becomes the means through which God interacts with and shows his concern for humankind. Rather than being a solely historical document however, it carries universal importance and it is the challenge of every generation to “discover their own moment of revelation”. We are therefore responsible for discovering its meaning within our contexts and socio-political conditions.
Challenging Intellectual Hierarchies
Who is responsible for fulfilling this task? For traditional scholars, as well as many within the progressive Islamic tradition – often located in the academy – the relationship of the believer with Islamic texts and history, and by extension, God Himself, is mediated through those with formal training in the Islamic sciences. As a result, the majority of believers are excluded from the process of producing Islamic knowledge and are victims of this hierarchical structure.
As we have seen, however, this is contradictory to a liberatory framework that centres the marginalised and asserts their agency. Esack again provides an alternative. He interprets verse 29:69 as a divine promise through which God will give guidance to those who strive to actualise the principles of Islam within their historical contexts:
As for those who struggle for Us, We shall surely guide them in Our ways; and Allah is indeed with the virtuous.
In this respect, theological reflection is the “second act” that must be preceded by involvement in the struggle. Although faith (in the sense of religious belief) is a necessary prerequisite, the abstract interpretation of scholars and academics contradicts Liberation Theology’s central aim of achieving material change for the oppressed because it occurs independently of material reality. In his seminal work Quran, Liberation & Pluralism, Esack applied this methodology by analysing the publications, speeches and activism of Muslim activists in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. In doing so, he established the framework for a theology that promoted religious pluralism in the pursuit of racial and social justice.
The liberation theologian therefore creates religious knowledge in collaboration with the marginalised and activists, engaging in a cyclical process of action and reflection through which not only our understanding of our religious duties is clarified, but the world around us is also transformed. In this respect, a praxis-based approach challenges intellectual hierarchies and removes the scholarly elite from the process of producing religious knowledge. It is the duty of each and every individual believer to understand the demands of the religion upon them and within their context.
Conclusion
ILT is not simply concerned with providing an intellectual alternative to dominant interpretations of religion, which, in many cases, uphold unjust status quos and represent the interests of the powerful within society. While there is, of course, some value in intellectually challenging these, the outlining of an alternative interpretation of religious texts does not necessarily result in any material change for the oppressed or the marginalised – the key objective of ILT. This can only be achieved through a praxis-based methodology through which religious knowledge is produced in conjunction with the activist, the one who is involved in struggles against oppression.
Every Muslim, regardless of their positionality, has a duty to understand what the Quran (and by extension God) asks of them in their context. Whether it be in their responses to systemic questions such as class inequality, racialised capitalism, or imperialism, or to specific events, such as the unfolding Israeli genocide in Palestine, each has a duty to respond. God has shown through his gradual revelation of the Quran and intervention in human history (for example in support of Prophet Musa and the Israelites against the Pharoah) that he is on the side of the oppressed, promising them ultimate victory. Islamic Liberation Theology reflects this in its framework. The question that remains for each of us is where we choose to stand.
Dr. Sharaiz Chaudhry is a writer and researcher with a PhD in Islamic Liberation Theology from the University of Edinburgh. He seeks to combine Islamic principles with a materialist analysis to understand how Muslims can contribute to social justice struggles and revolutionary politics.
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